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Besides the macro effects of Canadian refugee policies, what determines migration a success or a failure? Table 2. In the economic domain, the remittances financing migration are considered to be the main facilitators of the process whereas what plays an important role in the cultural domain is the information and ideas essential for new migrants.

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As for the contextual feedback mechanisms, for the origin community we can talk about the social consequences of migration as generating social differences since migrants become wealthier, this results in a relative deprivation for those who stay behind. Social remittances Lewitt do play a role of inspiring migration. At the same time, it is also a question - an important one in the migration process - if migrants have the desire or the opportunity to integrate or assimilate in their host country. Generally speaking, assimilated migrants have less incentive to assist new migrants from their origin community.

Additionally, migrant clustering maybe the main reason for increased migrant labor demand, since migrant businesses also emerge in these communities.

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Finally, it is also yet to be seen how transnational identities develop because it may be a factor in the increase of culturally determined migrant moves such as more marriages between migrants and members of their origin community. To account for this weakness, the concept of migration diffusion as well as of weak and strong ties and negative social capital is introduced to explain why migrant networks decline and why migratory trends change in regards to destinations over periods of times.

Given the high risks and costs of migration, these individuals are usually from relatively well-to-do households. They are then followed by the early majority and then by the laggards. The networks evolve, ensuring that the risks and costs become bearable even for those who come from much less affluent households. Migration continues until a certain saturation point is reached; that is, when all households intending to migrate have done so.

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Alternately, the migration pattern may change as a result of competition for jobs in the destination community. Here, De Haas insists on applying the notion of weak and strong ties, as developed by Granovetter , as well as the concept of negative social capital, as developed by Portes Normally, strong ties represent a positive influence. However, in the migration process, they might be counter-productive at some point. It is argued that migration information is spread through the weak ties in a community, whereas strong ties play a crucial role in the actual migration process, especially amongst lower status migrants.

On the same token, social capital can be paralyzing because it can also be exclusionary. When strong ties only help immediate family members for example, the migration process may be halted or altered as no other members of the community, except those who have strong ties are related to the pioneers, can leave. Roma migration to Canada Our endeavor entails an attempt to apply these models of migrant networks, migration diffusion, and the role of strong and weak ties to the Roma migration to Canada relying on the interview data collected and presented in the specific country case studies provided here.

By undertaking this exercise we hope to come to a more refined understanding of the Roma migration process while keeping in mind the explorative nature of the project. Thus, we will propose some hypotheses that could be worthy of further investigations and testing. The below table Table 3.

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Migration to Canada, while being in different phases for each of the three countries e. Migrant networks are usually formed with family members or, to some extent, with acquaintances already in Canada. Migrants get monetary help from their relatives overseas — remittance financed migration — so they can buy the expensive airplane ticket.

They are usually expected to pay this back once they arrive and begin to receive social welfare there. The network almost always covers the initial costs, however, we have also seen examples of new migrants selling all their property or taking loans in order to have the money required for the move. Risk taking of this kind could be accounted for by a heightened sense of confidence in the success of the endeavor and the belief that the network will be sufficiently effective to help them once they are in Canada.


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This is a phenomenon characteristic of some, but not all, migrants e. In the Canadian migratory process, it was discovered that, in fact, a very effective migration industry has developed in all three countries. For example, in the origin community, migrants are helped by entrepreneurs specialized in booking airplane tickets and driving families to the airport Slovakia. In the destination community, there is a wide array of official or semi-official helpers who attend to the refugees social workers, teachers, interpreters, lawyers, health care workers, human rights activists, etc.

On the origin community level, apparently the most important conditions that increased migration came from all the three domains, that is to say that migration was impelled by social, economic, and cultural factors. Socially, living in a segregated community as most of our interviewees did was in fact an important condition that determined the desire to migrate. Roma in all three countries emphasized how negatively they experienced the deteriorating interethnic relations. For example, interviewees in Slovakia often compared their current situation with their socialist past, a time when they had a higher social status and more acceptance in the community.

In the Czech Republic, a recent violent incident led to the escalation of interethnic tension. The rise and spread of violence as well as political racism and fear from racist attacks were also among the socially motivated reasons for migration. In economic terms, deprivation was an overwhelming experience everywhere, even if to different degrees. Culturally, the most eminent motivation for migration seemed to be their stigmatized ethnicity, the consequences of which Roma had to face on a daily bases employment and educational discrimination, verbal and physical racial violence, etc.

In Slovakia, Roma interviewees referenced negative attitudes on the part of the majority society as an important incentive to wanting to leave. Although the general approach of the majority is similar in all three countries — labeling Roma migration as a disloyal, treacherous deed that the home country is negatively stigmatized by — it was the Slovak Roma in particular who discussed migration with a sense of guilt and felt the need to further justify, through various arguments right to move, etc.

The original conditions in the sending community change as a result of migration and this, as is claimed by the model, influences what turns the process take. Looking at the Canadian migration process, it is clear that relative deprivation gradually become a factor that spurred further migration. In Hungary, there had been migration in the early s and those who came back invested in their houses, a visible sign of the success of the migration for the whole community. Similarly, in Slovakia, improving housing conditions was one of the major goals all migrants wished to achieve and those who had already gone were sending money back so that their half-built houses could be finished in front of the eyes of the whole community.

Meanwhile, the actual economic impact of migration for instance, on income distribution , could be assessed as minimal for several reasons. This, in itself, does not result in any change in social stratification or income inequalities with regards to the original conditions. However, this does not happen, at least it did not happen in the Hungarian and the Slovak cases we observed. Also, savings are sometimes used, as in the Czech case, for financing remigration, although that does not in itself result in upward social mobility.

Although Roma in Hungary and in the Czech Republic have less of a migratory past, the migration experienced in the observed Roma communities suggests an emerging culture of migration. In both these communities, some families had been to Canada or the UK. One of the widely shared common experiences in the three countries that we might denote as an important social remittance is the cultural encounter with Canadian multiculturalism and tolerance. This experience seemed to have a great impact for everybody interviewed and may be assessed as an upcoming significant element in the culture of migration, a future core incentive for moving.

Migrant ethnic clustering within destination communities is a well-know phenomenon. Depending on the type of migration, migrants tend to live and work together, thus, creating new communities.

Ethnic clustering could be best observed amongst the Hungarian Roma migrants, given their number and the size of the community. Due to the social housing situation and network dependency, many new migrants end up in the same blocks of flats or in close vicinity to one another. Given their low status and the lack of the necessary cultural capitals, many of the low status, late adopters, or laggards, have little or no chance to integrate. Although attending language courses is obligatory, most adults find it very hard to go back to school and they do not learn English at all.

This strengthens their dependence on networks and is one reason why ethnic clustering is, in fact, important - especially for low status migrants. There are several factors that determine whether migration will be a success or a failure. For most migrants, integration is simply not possible. This is not merely due to their instable legal status — whether they can stay or not — it also depends on whether or not their networks help them get access to some ethnic business garbage or scrap metal collection, construction work, factory jobs, etc.

State welfare can provide enough financial support for sustaining a family, however, it is impossible to building any savings. Migration is only successful if one can return with some savings.

This is well illustrated in the Slovak case where those returnees from Canada who came back with nothing were seen as failures by the community and blamed for not working hard enough. External or network effects have not been considered in these narratives. To understand the dynamics, or changing of migration patterns and migration diffusion, weak and strong ties as well as the negative effects of social capital need to be taken into account. As we mentioned, migration diffusion starts with pioneers or innovators leaving a community.

They are followed by late adopters, coming from less well-to-do households. In general, Roma migration is characterized by this pattern.